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So, you've
looked at History and seen how it's been radically skewed to present
Christians as awful, and Jews as ever-innocent victims. You've learned
about things like usury and the Federal Reserve, and how they've
affected the world. You've read about the social reality of the Weimar
Republic and how Germans were betrayed during WWI, thereby setting up
the conditions for the rise of murderous Hitler who's now used as a
bludgeon to humiliate the German people forever more. You've read about
the U.S.S. Liberty, how Israel was founded, how the Palestinian people
(Christian and Muslim) were thrown off of their lands. You've read
about how porn has come to flood the world, how feminism became such a
powerful movement, how gay "marriage" came to be, etc. You're hip to
the Rothschilds and Soroses of the world.
Well, good. That's crucial
information to know. But know the other half of the story: all of those
evils were only possible because of Gentile weakness. Porn's destroying
our culture? Then don't look at it. Usury's ruining many? Then don't
borrow money at interest. The Sackler family's filled our streets with
opiods, and the unprotected southern American border is being
criss-crossed by fentanyl pushers? Then don't use illegal drugs.
Feminists are decimating marriage? Then fight to eliminate no fault
divorce and raise your kids to be strong men and women so they don't
fall for the lies.
Jewish leaders' success in these things are a punishment made possible
only because Christians have failed to develop the virtue necessary to
master their own passions and to have the discipline needed to keep
vigilance over their own institutions. That's a fact.
Some people come to learn about the deeper History of the world and
become vengeful, blaming all of the world's problems on "the Jews."
They come to hate. They take a deep dive into these matters, come
across nefarious websites, and become racist Nazis -- thereby
fulfilling Jewish self-perception as perpetual victims. Well, how'd
that
turn out the first time around? Hitler took the path of hate -- and
look at Germany now, overrun by Muslims and dominated by Israel. The
path of hate never works in the end. And it's not the Christian way.
The Christian way is to love our enemies. We are to be as wise as
serpents and as gentle as doves.
Christians do not aggress. Christians don't engage in violence that
isn't directly self-defensive or a part of a Just War.
But Christians aren't fools, either. We must speak the Truth, walk in
Truth, stand up for Truth, defend Truth, and be willing to die for the
Truth. We have to wake fellow Christians and others up as to Historical
facts, but we must do so in love and for the cause of Love. We have to
restore our institutions, take back our economic system, and hold our
governments accountable.
Most of all, though, we have to spread the Gospel and live our lives
virtuously. Instead of becoming vengeful and filled with hatred, we
need to build. The fact that low birthrates are being used as an excuse
to flood our lands with Muslims could lead either to endless
complaining or violence -- or it could inspire us to have children
again and build political parties that are responsive to citizens'
needs. We can whine about the state of public education -- or we could
homeschool. We can kvetch about feminism -- or we can teach why it's
wrong, refuse to be silent as men are disrespected, and raise our kids
sanely and with respect for the masculine and the feminine -- and for their individual differences
(key!). We can do nothing as our sons are sent off to fight some new
war for Israel -- or we can refuse and speak out.
Mastering our passions; developing fortitude, temperance, and prudence;
building;
re-building; education; civil disobedience; vigilance; evangelizing;
re-evangelizing; restoring Tradition in the Church; raising healthy
children; making our own "long walk through the institutions" -- this
is the way forward. The only
way forward.
From Vaclav Havel’s 1979 essay “The Power of the Powerless,” 1
a work written in 1979 against the Czech Communist regime then
controlling his country.
The manager of a
fruit-and-vegetable shop places in his window, among the onions and
carrots, the slogan: "Workers of the world, unite!" Why does he do it?
What is he trying to communicate to the world? Is he genuinely
enthusiastic about the idea of unity among the workers of the world? Is
his enthusiasm so great that he feels an irrepressible impulse to
acquaint the public with his ideals? Has he really given more than a
moment's thought to how such a unification might occur and what it
would mean?
I think it can safely be assumed that the overwhelming
majority of shopkeepers never think about the slogans they put in their
windows, nor do they use them to express their real opinions. That
poster was delivered to our greengrocer from the enterprise
headquarters along with the onions and carrots. He put them all into
the window simply because it has been done that way for years, because
everyone does it, and because that is the way it has to be. If he were
to refuse, there could be trouble. He could be reproached for not
having the proper decoration in his window; someone might even accuse
him of disloyalty. He does it because these things must be done if one
is to get along in life. It is one of the thousands of details that
guarantee him a relatively tranquil life "in harmony with society," as
they say.
Obviously the greengrocer . . . does not put the slogan in
his window from any personal desire to acquaint the public with the
ideal it expresses. This, of course, does not mean that his action has
no motive or significance at all, or that the slogan communicates
nothing to anyone. The slogan is really a sign, and as such it contains
a subliminal but very definite message. Verbally, it might be expressed
this way: "I, the greengrocer XY, live here and I know what I must do.
I behave in the manner expected of me. I can be depended upon and am
beyond reproach. I am obedient and therefore I have the right to be
left in peace." This message, of course, has an addressee: it is
directed above, to the greengrocer's superior, and at the same time it
is a shield that protects the greengrocer from potential informers. The
slogan's real meaning, therefore, is rooted firmly in the greengrocer's
existence. It reflects his vital interests. But what are those vital
interests?
Let us take note: if the greengrocer had been instructed to
display the slogan "I am afraid and therefore unquestioningly
obedient;' he would not be nearly as indifferent to its semantics, even
though the statement would reflect the truth. The greengrocer would be
embarrassed and ashamed to put such an unequivocal statement of his own
degradation in the shop window, and quite naturally so, for he is a
human being and thus has a sense of his own dignity. To overcome this
complication, his expression of loyalty must take the form of a sign
which, at least on its textual surface, indicates a level of
disinterested conviction. It must allow the greengrocer to say, "What's
wrong with the workers of the world uniting?" Thus the sign helps the
greengrocer to conceal from himself the low foundations of his
obedience, at the same time concealing the low foundations of power. It
hides them behind the facade of something high. And that something is
ideology.
Ideology is a specious way of relating to the world. It
offers human beings the illusion of an identity, of dignity, and of
morality while making it easier for them to part with them. As the
repository of something suprapersonal and objective, it enables people
to deceive their conscience and conceal their true position and their
inglorious modus vivendi, both from the world and from themselves. It
is a very pragmatic but, at the same time, an apparently dignified way
of legitimizing what is above, below, and on either side. It is
directed toward people and toward God. It is a veil behind which human
beings can hide their own fallen existence, their trivialization, and
their adaptation to the status quo. It is an excuse that everyone can
use, from the greengrocer, who conceals his fear of losing his job
behind an alleged interest in the unification of the workers of the
world, to the highest functionary, whose interest in staying in power
can be cloaked in phrases about service to the working class. The
primary excusatory function of ideology, therefore, is to provide
people, both as victims and pillars of the post-totalitarian system,
with the illusion that the system is in harmony with the human order
and the order of the universe...
The post-totalitarian system touches people at every step,
but it does so with its ideological gloves on. This is why life in the
system is so thoroughly permeated with hypocrisy and lies: government
by bureaucracy is called popular government; the working class is
enslaved in the name of the working class; the complete degradation of
the individual is presented as his ultimate liberation; depriving
people of information is called making it available; the use of power
to manipulate is called the public control of power, and the arbitrary
abuse of power is called observing the legal code; the repression of
culture is called its development; the expansion of imperial influence
is presented as support for the oppressed; the lack of free expression
becomes the highest form of freedom; farcical elections become the
highest form of democracy; banning independent thought becomes the most
scientific of world views; military occupation becomes fraternal
assistance. Because the regime is captive to its own lies, it must
falsify everything. It falsifies the past. It falsifies the present,
and it falsifies the future. It falsifies statistics. It pretends not
to possess an omnipotent and unprincipled police apparatus. It pretends
to respect human rights. It pretends to persecute no one. It pretends
to fear nothing. It pretends to pretend nothing.
Individuals need not believe all these mystifications, but
they must behave as though they did, or they must at least tolerate
them in silence, or get along well with those who work with them. For
this reason, however, they must live within a lie. They need not accept
the lie. It is enough for them to have accepted their life with it and
in it. For by this very fact, individuals confirm the system, fulfill
the system, make the system, are the system...
Why in fact did our greengrocer have to put his loyalty on
display in the shop window? Had he not already displayed it
sufficiently in various internal or semipublic ways? At trade union
meetings, after all, he had always voted as he should. He had always
taken part in various competitions. He voted in elections like a good
citizen. He had even signed the "antiCharter." Why, on top of all that,
should he have to declare his loyalty publicly? After all, the people
who walk past his window will certainly not stop to read that, in the
greengrocer's opinion, the workers of the world ought to unite. The
fact of the matter is, they don't read the slogan at all, and it can be
fairly assumed they don't even see it. If you were to ask a woman who
had stopped in front of his shop what she saw in the window, she could
certainly tell whether or not they had tomatoes today, but it is highly
unlikely that she noticed the slogan at all, let alone what it said.
It seems senseless to require the greengrocer to declare his
loyalty publicly. But it makes sense nevertheless. People ignore his
slogan, but they do so because such slogans are also found in other
shop windows, on lampposts, bulletin boards, in apartment windows, and
on buildings; they are everywhere, in fact. They form part of the
panorama of everyday life. Of course, while they ignore the details,
people are very aware of that panorama as a whole. And what else is the
greengrocer's slogan but a small component in that huge backdrop to
daily life?
The greengrocer had to put the slogan in his window,
therefore, not in the hope that someone might read it or be persuaded
by it, but to contribute, along with thousands of other slogans, to the
panorama that everyone is very much aware of. This panorama, of course,
has a subliminal meaning as well: it reminds people where they are
living and what is expected of them. It tells them what everyone else
is doing, and indicates to them what they must do as well, if they
don't want to be excluded, to fall into isolation, alienate themselves
from society, break the rules of the game, and risk the loss of their
peace and tranquility and security...
Let us now imagine that one day something in our greengrocer
snaps and he stops putting up the slogans merely to ingratiate himself.
He stops voting in elections he knows are a farce. He begins to say
what he really thinks at political meetings. And he even finds the
strength in himself to express solidarity with those whom his
conscience commands him to support. In this revolt the greengrocer
steps out of living within the lie. He rejects the ritual and breaks
the rules of the game. He discovers once more his suppressed identity
and dignity. He gives his freedom a concrete significance. His revolt
is an attempt to live within the truth...
The bill is not long in coming. He will be relieved of his
post as manager of the shop and transferred to the warehouse. His pay
will be reduced. His hopes for a holiday in Bulgaria will evaporate.
His children's access to higher education will be threatened. His
superiors will harass him and his fellow workers will wonder about him.
Most of those who apply these sanctions, however, will not do so from
any authentic inner conviction but simply under pressure from
conditions, the same conditions that once pressured the greengrocer to
display the official slogans. They will persecute the greengrocer
either because it is expected of them, or to demonstrate their loyalty,
or simply as part of the general panorama, to which belongs an
awareness that this is how situations of this sort are dealt with, that
this, in fact, is how things are always done, particularly if one is
not to become suspect oneself. The executors, therefore, behave
essentially like everyone else, to a greater or lesser degree: as
components of the post-totalitarian system, as agents of its
automatism, as petty instruments of the social auto-totality.
Thus the power structure, through the agency of those who
carry out the sanctions, those anonymous components of the system, will
spew the greengrocer from its mouth. The system, through its alienating
presence in people, will punish him for his rebellion. It must do so
because the logic of its automatism and self-defense dictate it. The
greengrocer has not committed a simple, individual offense, isolated in
its own uniqueness, but something incomparably more serious. By
breaking the rules of the game, he has disrupted the game as such. He
has exposed it as a mere game. He has shattered the world of
appearances, the fundamental pillar of the system. He has upset the
power structure by tearing apart what holds it together. He has
demonstrated that living a lie is living a lie. He has broken through
the exalted facade of the system and exposed the real, base foundations
of power. He has said that the emperor is naked. And because the
emperor is in fact naked, something extremely dangerous has happened:
by his action, the greengrocer has addressed the world. He has enabled
everyone to peer behind the curtain. He has shown everyone that it is
possible to live within the truth. Living within the lie can constitute
the system only if it is universal. The principle must embrace and
permeate everything. There are no terms whatsoever on which it can
co-exist with living within the truth, and therefore everyone who steps
out of line denies it in principle and threatens it in its entirety...
The original and most important sphere of activity, one that
predetermines all the others, is simply an attempt to create and
support the independent life of society as an articulated expression of
living within the truth. In other words, serving truth consistently,
purposefully, and articulately, and organizing this service. This is
only natural, after all: if living within the truth is an elementary
starting point for every attempt made by people to oppose the
alienating pressure of the system, if it is the only meaningful basis
of any independent act of political import, and if, ultimately, it is
also the most intrinsic existential source of the "dissident" attitude,
then it is difficult to imagine that even manifest "dissent" could have
any other basis than the service of truth, the truthful life, and the
attempt to make room for the genuine aims of life.
Footnote:
1
http://chnm.gmu.edu/1989/items/show/700
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